Man’s family sues doctors after fatal overdose
http://www.wpxi.com/news/top-stories/mans-family-sues-doctors-after-fatal-overdose/515967345
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http://www.wpxi.com/news/top-stories/mans-family-sues-doctors-after-fatal-overdose/515967345
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Dear Editor: The Wisconsin Legislature patted itself on its collective backside for passing a series of measures, known as the HOPE agenda, that make it more difficult for patients in legitimate pain to acquire prescription painkillers.
As will be shown statistically by rankings compiled from Wisconsin Health Department mortality data, this is an overkill measure against a fake “epidemic” to make a dramatic statement at a high human cost of needless suffering from subtherapeutic pain treatment.
How severe is our so-called “prescription opioid epidemic”?
More lethal are homicide (15th place); Alzheimer’s disease (5th place); and unintentional injuries (3rd place). Yet we don’t see the Health Department refer to these as “epidemics.”
(A complete list of mortality, by cause, can be found by googling “16 Leading Causes of Death in Wisconsin.”)
While fighting the fake opioid “epidemic,” our lawmakers denied the preponderance of underutilized college graduates by stripping one of Gov. Scott Walker’s best ideas to date: the nonfiscal policy directive that would require the University of Wisconsin System to provide every interested student with at least one internship or work experience directly relevant to his or her field of study.
La Valle
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Debra Hicks went to work on Sept. 19, 2011, to teach California high school students about the Constitution. But that night she got a crash course on how easily her own civil rights could be violated, when she overdosed on her pain pills and a psychiatrist she’d never met involuntary committed her to Glendale Adventist Medical Center, near Los Angeles.
By the time she was released six days later, Hicks claims she had been placed in five-point restraints and “forcibly and unwillingly subjected to the use of strong antipsychotic medications”—according to an ongoing lawsuit against the facility.
Her only “crime,” she says, was having a bad reaction to her doctor-prescribed opioid medication.
Now lawmakers in at least eight states are considering bills that would make it even easier for drug users like Hicks to be forced into treatment against their will.
Proponents insist the bills are an unfortunate but necessary response to a troubling rise in the number of Americans dying from drugs like Oxycontin and heroin. But patients rights advocates say involuntary commitment is an overly extreme measure that will only make addicts’ lives worse.
Meanwhile, the private prison industry is waiting quietly in the wings, sensing an opportunity to get new business in the wake of declining prison populations.
According to the National Alliance for Model State Drug Laws, 37 states already have statutes that allow substance abusers who have not committed a crime to be briefly detained against their will. In most cases the legal bar is high—often requiring a finding that the person being committed has threatened to harm themselves or another person.
Over the past several years, however, states have been quietly revising their laws to allow for longer periods of commitment with fewer legal hurdles.
Kentucky and Ohio led the push. And in 2015 Mike Pence signed a law permitting involuntary commitment for drug users in Indiana.
Last year, Florida followed suit, passing a new measure that allows individuals with substance abuse problems to be held up to 90 days against their will. A petition can be filed by “any adult with direct personal observed knowledge of the respondent’s impairment,” and must only show probable cause that the individual has “lost the power of self-control with respect to substance abuse” and are “incapable of making a rational decision regarding his or her need for care.”
Lawmakers in New Jersey have been trying for the past two years to get a similar measure on the books there. The latest iteration of the bill, introduced by Democratic Assemblyman Joseph Lagana (Paramus), would allow a police officer with no addiction training to detain a person if they have “reasonable cause” to believe that the person is in need of involuntary treatment.
Three such bills are currently being considered in Pennsylvania, including one that would permit forced treatment for any individual who “has ingested an amount of drugs as to render himself unconscious or in need of medical treatment to prevent imminent death or serious bodily harm.”
Like many of the new measures, the bill would authorize up to 90 days of involuntary inpatient drug treatment.
Since most addicts are not “severely mentally impaired,” legal experts say that once they are detoxed it will become increasingly difficult to justify involuntary detention. That means that, in practice, the period of commitment is likely to be much shorter.
Addiction experts say that could actually lead to an increased risk of overdose, as drug users return to the community without the physical tolerance they had only days or weeks earlier.
“Often what will happen is that people will remain sober through treatment but then rapidly return to use as soon as they are out,” said Kirk Bowden, a certified addiction clinician and the former president of the Association for Addiction Professionals.
Lawmakers in New Hampshire, Alabama, Maryland, Michigan, and Mississippi are also considering broad civil commitment measures this session.
David Freed, district attorney for Cumberland County, Pennsylvania—where overdose fatalities doubled in 2016—supports the measure, and says states have a “moral obligation” to help drug addicts who he says won’t help themselves.
“The process should be seamless. It should be standard, and frankly, it should not be optional,” he testified last year.
But morality and medicine are frequently at odds, as Hicks’ case shows.
Like millions of other Americans, Hicks suffers from chronic pain issues, including fibromyalgia—a painful nerve condition—three herniated disks and two pinched nerves.
Her treatment includes seeing a pain management specialist, and taking prescribed medications that include opioid painkillers.
According to a lawsuit she filed in Los Angeles Superior Court, on the day her ordeal began Hicks had forgotten to take her morning dose of painkillers. As the hours wore on she found herself in increasing physical distress. By the time she got home that evening she says she was experiencing severe pain, and erroneously believed she needed to take more than her prescribed dose to make up for the missed one.
Hicks’ roommate found her passed out on the floor of the apartment they shared and called 911.
Though she managed to walk to the ambulance that would take her to the emergency room, doctors there told Hicks that, as a matter of protocol, patients who have suffered a drug overdose must speak to a psychiatrist before being released.
According to her lawsuit, Hicks waited nine hours after she was discharged from the emergency room before a nurse informed her she was being detained under a 1967 law that gives psychiatrists in California limited powers to hold a person who is dangerous to themselves or others due to mental illness against their will for up to 14 days.
Hospital records attached to Hicks’ lawsuit say her only formal diagnosis was “depression.” When Hicks attempted to leave the hospital—a full 24 hours after being released from the ER—she was chased down and brought back by local police and hospital security guards, she asserts in her complaint.
“The Hicks case is a dramatic example of how a person can be captured into a system by people who pretend to be trained to help but actually completely misunderstand the process,” said Hicks’ attorney, Gary S. Brown, in an email to The Daily Beast.
In court filings, the hospital does not dispute the facts of the case, but argues that it is immune from civil action under California’s civil commitment law—which requires only a finding of probable cause that an individual is a danger to themselves.
Brown, who has spent the better part of three decades defending clients who’ve been involuntarily committed, says that while patients can challenge that finding in court after a few days of confinement, the odds are often stacked against them.
While forcing substance abusers into treatment may provide temporary relief for family members who are dealing with an addicted loved one, experts say it offers little help for the person actually suffering from addiction.
A recent study published by the medical journal the Lancet found that heroin users forced into treatment “had significantly more rapid relapse to opioid use post-release” compared with those who voluntarily sought help.
Involuntary commitment also violates the ethics codes of some treatment organizations, such as the Association for Addiction Professionals (PDF).
Meanwhile, detaining a person who has committed no crime based on what they might do in the future has potentially severe long-term repercussions.
“Involuntary commitment gives someone a lifelong marker that interferes with their ability to get health care coverage or own a firearm, and it could prevent them from getting certain jobs, like federal employment,” said Mary Catherine Roper, of the the American Civil Liberties Union of Pennsylvania.
Once a civil commitment is on a person’s record, Roper says, it’s nearly impossible to get it expunged.
But there’s another, more pressing problem with involuntary commitment for substance abuse: Most states don’t have enough treatment beds even for the people who want them.
Massachusetts—which has permitted courts to force drug users into treatment for more than two decades—has so little bed space for drug addicts seeking help that those compelled into treatment are often sent to one of two state correctional facilities instead. Last year, the state actually had to pass a law to ensure that women who are involuntarily detained for drug abuse go to an actual treatment facility instead of jail.
Doctors say giving precedence to drug addicts who don’t want treatment will almost certainly make it harder for those who do want treatment to access it.
“There are waiting lists for treatment right now,” said Dr. Raymond Bobb, an addiction doctor in Philadelphia who treats patients with methadone and Suboxone. “Plenty of people are seeking treatment and waiting for spots to open up, do these people supersede them?”
That has caught the attention of the private prison industry—which has been refocusing its efforts on treatment and reentry services as states have moved to reduce the number of inmates in their correctional systems.
Pennsylvania lacks any secure drug treatment facilities—with the exception of those currently contracted by the Department of Corrections. In February, Gov. Tom Wolf announced the state would cut $40 million from its community corrections budget and plans to eliminate 1,500 halfway house beds.
Weeks later private prison firm The GEO Group completed its $360 million acquisition of Community Education Centers, which operates five residential reentry facilities in Pennsylvania. The GEO Group spent more than $112,000 lobbying lawmakers in Harrisburg over the past 12 months.
Correct Care Recovery Solutions (CCRS), a subsidiary spun off by GEO Group in 2013, also operates residential psychiatric treatment hospitals, as well as the only privatized civil commitment facility in the country (in Florida). In addition to Pennsylvania, the company manages facilities in several states where civil commitment measures are being considered.
New laws that would put thousands of otherwise innocent Americans into locked treatment units could potentially be a windfall for the company and others like it. But like so many other failed policies in the War on Drugs, it will be the most desperate and marginalized Americans who will pay the price.
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http://www.medscape.com/viewarticle/880351#vp_1
SAN ANTONIO — An intervention in which Canadian pharmacists faxed their opinions about benzodiazepine use in older adults to physicians resulted in twice the number of deprescriptions as patient education alone, according to early data from the randomized controlled D-PRESCRIBE trial.
“In Canada, about two-thirds of those aged 65 and up take at least five medications daily, and one-quarter take at least 10 medications,” said investigator Philippe Martin, a PhD student in pharmaceutical sciences at Université de Montréal.
Appropriate medication use is a top target in geriatrics, and healthcare in general. One of the main concerns is potential adverse effects, which are compounded by the polypharmacy common in older adults.
The focus of D-PRESCRIBE was benzodiazepines “because they are the most prominent inappropriate prescription, even though the side effects have been known for a long time. And it is one of the hardest classes of drug to deprescribe,” Martin explained here at the American Geriatrics Society 2017 Annual Scientific Meeting.
The EMPOWER intervention involved an eight-page brochure, written at a low-literacy level in large font. In addition to risks and harms, the brochure suggested alternative drugs and offered a tapering-off schedule, designed to encourage patients to discuss discontinuation with a pharmacist or healthcare provider.
Six months after the intervention, a discontinuation rate of 27% was achieved, reported Martin, who was one of the EMPOWER investigators.
However, the researchers discovered that there was often resistance from physicians when patients approached them with the information, because physicians often were unaware of the risks or did not have an alternative drug to prescribe, Martin explained.
For that reason, he and his colleagues developed the D-PRESCRIBE trial, which added an evidence-based opinion from a pharmacist faxed to the patient’s physician.
Participating pharmacists still gave patients the educational brochure used in the EMPOWER trial, but they also faxed evidenced-based pharmaceutical opinions to prescribers outlining the potential risks of benzodiazepines and encouraging deprescription.
Patients, pharmacists, physicians, and evaluators were blinded to the research.
Physicians could quickly change a prescription by writing their license number on the fax, signing it, and returning it to the pharmacist.
The deprescription rate was higher in D-PRESCRIBE than in EMPOWER (odds ratio, 2.17; 95% confidence Interval, 1.21% – 3.67%).
The team is expanding their work to include widely prescribed drug classes that meet the Beers criteria for inappropriate use in older adults, such as first-generation antihistamines and nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs, he added.
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http://www.wlwt.com/article/fentanyl-seized-by-law-enforcement-doubled-in-2016-dea-says/9886466
The United States is seeing a dramatic increase in drugs containing fentanyl, newly released data from the Drug Enforcement Administration shows.
The National Forensic Laboratory Information System (NFLIS), a program of the DEA, points to a drastic surge of lab submissions that tested positive for fentanyl — going from 15,209 in 2015 to 31,700 in 2016.
In addition, lab testing of fentanyl analogues — drugs with close structural resemblance and similar effects to fentanyl — went from 2,230 in 2015 to 4,782 in 2016.
“Drug use today has become a game of Russian roulette. There’s no such thing as a safe batch, this is the opioid crisis at its worst,” DEA spokesman Rusty Payne told CNN.
Fentanyl, a synthetic opioid typically prescribed to treat patients with severe pain, is approximately 50 times more potent than heroin and 100 times more powerful than morphine, according to the NFLIS.
Last year, the country lost more than 52,000 Americans to drug overdose — more than 33,000 of those from opioids, according to the Centers of Disease Control and Prevention. It means more people die from opioid-related causes than from gun homicides and traffic fatalities — combined, the DEA states.
Fentanyl reports remained fairly steady between 2003-2013, until sharp increases occurred beginning in 2014 through 2016, particularly noticeable in the Northeast and Midwest.
“Drug addicts know they are taking fentanyl at times, and know it can kill them, but are willing to take the risk,” Payne said, adding that Chinese labs that manufacture the substances are trying to stay ahead of law enforcement using chemistry advances, tweaking the chemical structure to create a slightly different analogue.
Payne also pointed at “a tremendous opioid demand in this country” that pushes Mexican drug cartels to add pure fentanyl to heroin batches, creating hundreds of thousands of dosage units. According to DEA reports, Mexico continues to supply up to 85-90% of the domestic heroin market.
The DEA is working hard on education, enforcement and prevention to battle the crisis, Payne said, but added it is a vicious cycle that is eventually up to the community to end. “The next generation has to be better. We need to make sure people don’t ever start,” he said.
It has been reported that the DEA will admit that they are only able to seize/confiscate about 4% of illegal drugs that get to our streets. With the increased seizures of the various analogs of Fentanyl & Heroin .. just how many more KILOGRAMS that are getting to the street.
33,000 deaths from opiates … no mention of the 100,000 – THREE TIMES that die from the use/abuse of Alcohol, which increased about 20% from 2015 to 2016. Nor the FOURTEEN TIMES (450,000 ) the deaths from the use/abuse Nicotine.
Two DRUGS…and as how the DEA puts it “with no valid medical use” and those two drugs killing 550,000 every year .. like SIX COMMERCIAL AIRLINERS falling out of the sky EVERYDAY… killing all on board.
Unless someone dies from a “alcohol related” traffic accident.. all of those other alcohol related deaths you will only see it in the obit columns in the local paper with no reference to ALCOHOL .. NO national media, NO breaking news on TV.. As they say in the news industry… “.. if it BLEEDS… it LEADS …”
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There is abt 4.5 BILLION prescriptions filled – in community pharmacies and via mail order pharmacies – in the USA EVERY YEAR and we have some 320 million residents… doing the math that means that each person would have 14 prescriptions filled each year.
What can be estimated that most of the prescriptions are filled by people who are “seeking to improve their quality of life”
This time of year a lot of “drug seekers” are those known as ALLERGY SUFFERS… they seek out antihistamines, cortisone nasal sprays and other substances used to control their allergy symptoms and improve their quality of life.
No matter what disease state or condition/syndrome a person is dealing with.. all too many will seek out some medication(s) to help to control the undesirable symptoms from the disease.. basically.. the person seeks out to improve their quality of life.
Some groups try to draw a line between themselves as being chronic pain pts and those who abuse opiates.
If you take a step backwards and try to look at those who take/use opiates and controlled substances.. are those that take them legally and those who take them illegally.. because our society will not allow them to obtain them legally. Are they all that different ?
Both are typically suffering from depression, anxiety and physical and mental “pain”. Both are trying to “improve” their quality of life… just what their own opinion/definition of “improve” may be quite different.
Those who are suffering from the mental health issues of addictive personalities.. they have demons in their head and/or monkeys on their back. They are just “seeking” to improve their lives by attempting to silence those demons and monkeys. Their “high” is getting some solitude from those things causing them mental pain.
Those that suffer from chronic pain are also “seeking” their own particular “high”, but their high is to calm the pain that torments them, keeping them from participating in a “normal family life”.
IMO, those in the chronic pain community that wants to point fingers at those who our society has labeled as “addicts” and continue to point out “that is not us/me”… it is “them”..
People with mental health issues have always been “looked down upon” .. just told to “suck it up and get over it”… our health insurance system has normally had poor coverage for seeing mental health professionals.
Is this part of the puritanical thread in our societal fabric that is still part of the “witch hunts” from the late 17th century in our country ?
Is those in the chronic pain community doing themselves any favors by agreeing with the DEA that those with mental health addictive issues are “bad people” and CRIMINALS ?
Recently our previous Surgeon General declared that addiction is a mental health issue and not a moral failing http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/vivek-murthy-report-on-drugs-and-alcohol_us_582dce19e4b099512f812e9c
Does it make any sense that two different major Federal agencies and members of the Presidential Cabinet (DOJ & Surgeon General) are on opposite sides of the same coin… in dealing with people that are suffering from chronic conditions that opiates and controlled substance can help people deal with their health issues ?
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This article is from a Richmond KY newspaper and the reporters/editors involved are so “moronic” that they pull a graphic of legal Fentanyl patches which appears to have various descriptions on the boxes IN GERMAN. The article is about an ILLEGAL FENTANYL ANALOG and they use a graphic not only of a legal product but one made by Winthrop and sold in GERMANY ? Can you say FAKE NEWS ?
As overdoses continue to rise in Kentucky and across the country, a new opioid has hit the streets that could potentially be Narcan-resistant.
Naloxone, better known as Narcan, is an opioid antidote. However, Special Agent Patrick Trainor of the Drug Enforcement Agency recently told CNHI News that acrylfentanyl “has shown some possibility of being resistant” to Narcan.
The state Medical Examiner’s Office has seen three confirmed cases so far in which acrylfentanyl was a factor in the death, according to Mike Wynn, spokesperson for the Justice and Public Safety Cabinet.
Madison County EMS Director Carlos Coyle said, in the first three months of 2017, EMS paramedics had administered 144 doses of Narcan to 97 patients. Those numbers were up from 107 doses to 67 patients in the first quarter of 2016.
“The (individuals) we see where Narcan is administered are barely breathing or not breathing at all when we get there,” Coyle said. “If it is a drug we aren’t able to reverse, a lot of these people would be dead.”
Madison County EMS administered 443 doses to 291 patients in 2016, Coyle said.
It was the fourth highest total of Narcan doses administered by EMS in the state behind only Kenton, Fayette and Campbell counties, according to data from the Kentucky Ambulance Providers Association (KAPA).
Madison County also had the sixth most overdose deaths in the state, according to the 2015 Overdose Fatality Report. There were 31 overdose deaths — eight more than 2014. The 2016 report will be released this summer.
Fatal overdoses in Kentucky for 2015 totaled 1,248, compared to 1,071 in the previous year, according to the report.
Overdose deaths could skyrocket if opioids become Narcan-resistant.
KAPA data noted 8,569 doses of Narcan were administered across the Commonwealth in 2016 from reporting agencies.
“If opioids such as acrylfentanyl become Narcan-resistant, I assure you it will increase the deaths in Madison County drastically,” said Madison County Coroner Jimmy Cornelison. “None of these drugs are measured out and (drug users) never know what they are getting. This is just Russian roulette.”
Coyle said it could also strain first responders even more, along with health care providers. He recalled an overdose spike the county experienced in February when EMS responded to five overdoses in a 90-minute period stretching its resources.
“I really hope we don’t see it,” Coyle said of acrylfentanyl.
Because acrylfentanyl is so new to the United States, the DEA has not yet included it on its list of scheduled drugs, Trainor told CNHI.
The DEA is currently evaluating the possibility of scheduling acrylfentanyl on an emergency basis, according to Trainor.
Fentanyl is a powerful synthetic opioid that is 50 to 100 times more potent than morphine, and it is causing an increasing number of overdose deaths in the United States, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Fentanyl has a large number of synthetic analogues, “all of which are very concerning to us,” Trainor said.
An analogue is a drug whose chemical structure is substantially similar to the chemical structure of another drug or that has effects that are similar to those of another drug when used.
Mark Presto contributed to this story.
Jonathan Greene is the editor of The Register; follow him on Twitter @jgreeneRR.
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http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=649a9107-dba6-4341-be5c-693eacadebf7
On April 18 2017 Judge Vasquez granted summary judgment to Bayer in a consumer class action over its probiotic dietary supplement Phillips’ Colon Health in In re Bayer Phillips’ Colon Health Probiotics Sales Practices Litigation.(1) This important decision should help to rein in the onslaught of lawsuits that improperly target dietary supplements.
First, the court’s decision reinforces that dietary supplements are not regulated as drugs and structure/function claims need not be supported by randomised controlled clinical trials (RCTs).
Second, the opinion makes clear that private consumer class actions cannot be premised on a ‘lack of substantiation’ theory.
Recognising the many health benefits of dietary supplements, Congress enacted the Dietary Supplement Health and Education Act 1994 to ensure that supplements can be marketed and sold without following the stringent requirements imposed on prescription drugs. In April 2001 the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) promulgated guidance, stating that the relevant standard for dietary supplements is “competent and reliable scientific evidence”.
The FTC guidance makes clear that drug-level randomised clinical trials are not required. Instead, “competent and reliable scientific evidence” is a “flexible” standard and “[t]here is no fixed formula for the number or type of studies required”. Even:
“[r]esults obtained in animal and in vitro studies will… be examined, particularly where they are widely considered to be acceptable substitutes for human research or where human research is infeasible.”
In addition, “[e]pidemiologic evidence may be an acceptable substitute for clinical data” in some circumstances.
However, in conflict with its own published guidance, the FTC and class action lawyers have brought a number of suits against dietary supplement companies on the grounds that the supplement claims are not supported by RCTs. Courts have rejected these attempts to ignore federal law. The most recent defeat for the FTC came in US v Bayer where the court denied the FTC’s attempt to demand drug-level clinical trials to support proper structure function claims for the same probiotic product – Phillips’ Colon Health.(2)
Unfortunately, despite this defeat, the FTC continues to demand RCTs for dietary supplements. Following that decision, an FTC attorney reportedly stated: “I don’t think [the US v. Bayer decision] was about whether you need clinical trials.”(3) The most recent judicial decision makes clear that this statement is incorrect.
The court in In re Bayer Phillips’ Colon Health reinforced that clinical trials are not required. The court relied heavily on US v Bayer and explained that the FTC opinion held that “RCTs are not required to meet the standard of ‘competent and reliable scientific evidence'” and that “dietary supplements do not” need to meet the “higher standard” that applies to drugs.(4) In summary, the US v Bayer opinion means what it says: dietary supplements must be regulated as Congress intended – they are supplements and not drugs.
Private plaintiffs cannot pursue lack of substantiation claim
The court also closed the door to a claim favoured by private plaintiffs – a ‘lack of substantiation’ claim. Plaintiffs often sue manufacturers under state consumer fraud laws arguing that a particular food or supplement claim is not adequately substantiated by scientific evidence, where they cannot prove that the claim is scientifically false.
In In re Bayer Phillips’ Colon Health the court held that “[m]erely proving that the claims are unsubstantiated is insufficient”.(5) Rather, “a plaintiff must put forth affirmative evidence of falsity”.(6) The plaintiffs’ expert in this case testified that his only basis for saying that Bayer’s claims were false was that Bayer had no supportive RCT and that a number of existing RCTs did not show positive results. The court rejected this testimony and explained that it “is nothing more than a lack-of-substantiation theory”.(7) The court further described the expert’s opinion as “pure speculation” or an “educated guess”, both of which are wholly insufficient to survive summary judgment.
Plaintiffs around the country are pursuing similar claims based on a lack of substantiation theory and are tendering experts that apply the drug-level standard. Following the Phillips’ Colon Health decision, courts should similarly reject these claims.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mitragyna_speciosa
A group of 51 members of the US House of Representatives and a group of 9 senators each sent letters to Acting DEA Administrator Chuck Rosenberg protesting the listing and around 140,000 people signed an online White House Petition protesting it.[42][43] The DEA noted the responses but said that it intended to go forward with the listing; a spokesman said: “We can’t rely upon public opinion and anecdotal evidence. We have to rely upon science.“[44] In October 2016, the DEA withdrew its notice of intent while inviting public comments over a review period ending 1 December 2016.[45][46]
This – to me – is confusing… does the DEA have the legal authority to place a substance in a scheduled class if the product has been marketed and recognized as a SUPPLEMENT for hundreds of year ? Both the DEA and the CDC has used the same/similar statement “We have to rely upon science” Is this just a ruse to justify their actions because they really have no legal authority or rational reason(s) ?
To put things in perspective, the 55 Poison Control Centers AVERAGE abt 5 calls PER MINUTE – 24/7. Which the calls received about Kratom represented abt 0.0002% of the center’s average calls/yr. And there have been no reported deaths where Kratom was the ONLY SUBSTANCE IN THE TOXICOLOGY. So Kratom has a similar lethality to that reported of Marijuana.
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https://fee.org/articles/the-myth-of-available-pain-care/
America is in the midst of an ongoing epidemic of undertreated chronic pain. This fact is confirmed by surveys such as “Chronic Pain in America: Roadblocks to Relief,” which is posted on the American Pain Society website (www.ampainsoc.org/ whatsnew/toc_road.htm). The economic cost of this epidemic can be estimated, in terms of lost productivity, at about $100 billion per year. The human costs are more difficult to quantify. These include unnecessary suffering and lives ruined through inability to work. To physicians facing unwarranted criminal charges of drug dealing, the consequences of such an accusation range from damage to reputation to life imprisonment. In cases in Florida and Virginia, prosecutors have even contemplated seeking the death penalty against pain-treating physicians.
Opioid analgesics are a class of medications, which includes morphine and oxycodone. In lay terms they are recognized as endorphins. After centuries of successful use they remain the cornerstone in the treatment of chronic pain. They are natural substances that the body itself uses in the regulation of pain. When used as directed by a physician, opioids are categorically safe, and addiction is a vanishingly rare side effect.
The failure of physicians to prescribe opioid medications in quantities sufficient to control chronic pain is the immediate cause of the epidemic. The deeper causes are attributable to social forces, the most significant of which is the intrusion of the war on drugs into the medical profession and the relationship between the physician and his patient.
Most people believe that if they develop chronic pain, their physician will take care of them. They are sadly mistaken. Both scientific and anecdotal evidence inform us that chronic pain is ineffectively treated. The previously mentioned “Roadblocks” survey reveals, alarmingly, that the more severe a patient’s pain is, the less likely the sufferer will be to obtain relief. This experience is described by patients all around the country who can’t find a physician willing to risk prescribing the amounts of opioids necessary to bring their disease under control.
The behavior of the medical profession in its approach to the treatment of chronic pain extends far beyond neglect. Many physicians accept patients suffering from severe chronic pain into their practices. But they rarely treat these patients with dosages of medications that will allow them to return to productive lives. Instead, these unfortunate souls are subjected to a series of abuses that systematically violate their basic human rights.
This seems shocking and unbelievable. Here’s how it works. Physicians are actually trained to scrutinize patients for signs of impending drug addiction. This is accomplished through the use of a set of “aberrant drug-related behaviors.” These behaviors are essentially measures of compliance. Apart from pain management, compliance with medical treatment is generally thought to be in the patient’s best interest and is voluntary.
This is consistent with the principles of informed consent and patient autonomy, which are pillars of ethical practice. Around the issue of pain management, however, compliance takes a strange twist. It becomes, as we will see, a prerequisite for further treatment. It also becomes less than voluntary. The classic examples of “aberrant” behavior occur when a patient uses up his pain medications and either calls in “early” for a refill or asks his physician for a larger prescription. The list of “aberrant” behaviors for which physicians are trained to be vigilant extends to a number of other supposed transgressions, such as a request by a patient for a specific medication that the patient knows from past experience will work. Physicians are trained to regard these sorts of reasonable conduct as a sign of addiction or possibly even of illegal diversion of pharmaceuticals to the black market.
Physicians are both trained and required to react to these behaviors by imposing structure and sanctions. Structure may take the form of more frequent visits to receive smaller amounts of medication and intrusions into patient privacy that may include unannounced pill counts and mandatory drug testing. Many physicians keep a log of transgressions and employ a “three strikes and you’re out policy,” terminating opioid treatment after three supposed transgressions.
All of this places the pain sufferer in a terrible bind. If he can’t obtain the medications he needs in sufficient quantity, he can’t live a normal life. On the other hand, he isn’t allowed to ask for it. If he makes his needs known, he runs the risk of being accused of addiction and criminality, and of being cut off from treatment entirely. As a result, undertreated patients suffering from chronic pain who need to ask for increased dosages are truly damned if they do and damned if they don’t. Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that surveys reveal widespread undertreatment of this disease, particularly among those most severely afflicted.
This conduct is required of physicians by guidelines set out by academic pain specialists and their organizations. It is an abomination that systematically violates the central ethical obligations of the physician to his patient. These obligations include putting the patient’s interests first and controlling pain. Informed consent and patient autonomy, the pillars on which ethical medicine is based, are abrogated as compliance is replaced by coercion.
Among pain victims, this results in bewilderment, increased pain, progressive disability, and general deterioration of health.
One may reasonably conclude that pain management, as it is currently practiced, is a sham. Patients who approach their physicians expecting they will receive pain control are instead subjected to an abusive program of drug control that systematically violates their basic human rights. Chronic pain sufferers are accurately characterized, along with their well-intentioned but nevertheless abusive physicians, as noncombatant casualties in the war on drugs.
The Controlled Substances Act of 1970 assigned the criminal justice system the responsibility of regulating controlled substances. In so doing, law enforcement was inadvertently established in its current role as the regulator of medical practice. Legislative intent was to leave the practice of medicine unmolested. Instead, the law of unintended consequences, which apparently accompanies all drug-war–related endeavors, prevailed. Here’s how it happened.
A safe harbor provision for the medical use of opioids was inserted into the act. The provision states that physicians may prescribe these medications in the usual course of their professional practice. That sounds pretty good on the surface, but that is only before one comes to understand the consequences. This provision implicitly, but unavoidably, requires that law enforcement distinguish between medical practice and drug dealing. Regardless of what one might choose to call this, the result is that law enforcement regulates the practice of medicine. Naturally, law enforcement carries out this task through the use of criminal prosecutions against physicians. It couldn’t be otherwise. When society assigns law enforcement to regulate an issue, criminal prosecutions necessarily result.
The unfortunate truth underlying the pain crisis is the fact that it is impossible to regulate medicines without also regulating the practice of medicine.
Every doctor who contemplates treating chronic pain with opioid analgesics must answer the following question to his own satisfaction: By engaging in this practice, might he be misperceived by medical regulators, in this case law enforcement, as a criminal? By prescribing opioids, is he risking his career, his livelihood, his freedom, and perhaps even his life? The answer comes down to one issue. Is the safe harbor promised by the Controlled Substances Act really safe? Can law enforcement be counted on to regulate the practice of medicine correctly? Is this even a reasonable expectation?
Physicians are good at assessing risk. This is a large part of the work they do in their professional lives. As a group, physicians seem to understand that their risk of unwarranted prosecution is real and unacceptable. They demonstrate this through their prescribing behavior or, in the case of pain management, their failure to prescribe. Many physicians may not say that this is why they undertreat chronic pain or even admit that they undertreat the disease at all, but their collective inaction speaks louder than words. The facts revealed by the surveys of pain victims are as irrefutable as the stories of abuse and undertreatment told by the individual victims of this deadly disease.
While most think of medicine as an institution that can be expected to respect human rights, this is a misconception. Medicine as an institution is not possessed of a social conscience. Instead, it reacts to existing social forces, and in this sense the behavior of physicians is best understood as a reflection of the core values of society. Unfortunately, society currently places its highest value on the control of drugs including opioids, which are incorrectly regarded as dangerous and highly addictive.
The medical profession has unfortunately, but predictably, taken on the value system of society in general and of those who regulate it. Social forces do not currently allow for ethical conduct within the realm of pain management. As a result, the professional conduct of individual physicians and the behavior of the institution of medicine as a whole are neither ethical nor humane. The following explanation will clarify why this is so.
The underlying problem is that no bright line exists between what is legal and what isn’t concerning the prescribing of controlled substances. In fact, many of the expected characteristics of a medical practice where chronic pain is treated effectively are viewed by law enforcement as red flags indicating criminality. This conundrum is best understood through an examination of what transpires as the criminal-justice system targets, investigates, and prosecutes a physician suspected of abusing his prescribing privileges, a physician who becomes in the minds of law-enforcement officials nothing more than a drug pusher in a white coat.
Every prosecution begins with a targeting phase. Something must occur to cause law enforcement to scrutinize a particular physician in the first place. Law enforcement regards pharmacists as their eyes and ears in the community for the purpose of assisting in targeting drug-dealing doctors. As a result, a complaint from a pharmacist who suspects a physician is prescribing too much medication, or is doing so for the wrong people, is commonly the triggering event. Typically, the pharmacist believes, as do his counterparts in law enforcement, that outrageous quantities of dangerous addictive medications are being prescribed to drug addicts posing as pain patients. These patients are assumed to have become drug addicts as a result of the accused physician’s criminal prescribing habits.
Such concerns belong to a category of evidence recognized as red flags. Just as physicians are trained to recognize “aberrant” drug-related behaviors, police and pharmacists learn, while attending educational conferences, to recognize red flags. These are the basis of a system of standards developed by law enforcement to identify illegal prescribing.
Having not been validated in any systematic manner, these red-flag standards are not included within the realm of medical science. In fact, many red flags actually describe the characteristics one would expect to be associated with medical practices where chronic pain is effectively treated. This is precisely why there exists no bright line between drug dealing and legitimate medical prescribing. In fact there is no line at all. Any such line that might have existed was unavoidably crossed when the Controlled Substances Act effectively assigned law enforcement, a nonmedical institution, to regulate the practice of pain management. This fundamental error in social policy is the very root of the pain crisis.
The following serve as examples of the problem.
The biggest red flag is high-volume opioid prescribing. Common sense dictates that significant volumes of opioids are necessary to treat chronic pain effectively. In the context of drug-war ideology, this necessary medical practice resembles drug dealing. When substantial amounts of drugs and money change hands, what else is a cop to think? This is why, when law enforcement regulates pain management, a head-on collision between necessary medical practices and the war on drugs inevitably occurs.
The appearance of poverty is another red flag. All it takes for a doctor to be targeted is a pharmacist who becomes uneasy with the looks of a patient and responds by lodging a complaint. Then the game is on. Police respond by conducting surveillance. Patients with a shabby appearance are observed and are assumed to be drug addicts intent on scoring a fix. Here, again, the drug war collides with medical reality. Chronic pain is a disease, which predictably reduces its victims to poverty and a poor appearance. It accomplishes this by limiting or removing the ability to engage in gainful employment or even to care for oneself properly. As a result, patients suffering from this disease often just don’t look good. Physicians are arrested over this sort of “evidence.”
Another red flag is a dosage of medication out of line with what a pharmacist or law-enforcement official believes the patient should require. This red flag conflicts with medical reality. A fundamental principle underlying the treatment of chronic pain is the individualization of treatment. There exists an enormous range within which appropriate opioid dosages may vary from one patient to the next. The correct amount of medication is whatever works to return a patient to functionality, not the amount some cop or prosecutor thinks it should take.
Rational people assume that if accusations of drug dealing go to trial, the government will be obligated to produce convincing evidence to prove that the physician stepped across a clearly defined line into the realm of criminal misconduct. We assume that unless the physician has done something like prescribing drugs to an undercover agent who asks for them but gives no medical reason, he will be left undisturbed. Our assumptions are mistaken.
The following testimony from a preliminary hearing in my own case, in which all charges, including even murder, were eventually dismissed, illustrates this point (see sidebar):
Mr. Hallinan: [Y]ou were told that numerous agents were sent into Dr. Fisher’s office to try to con him into giving them narcotics without any medical reason; right?
Agent Weatherford: I believe that’s the reason.
Q: And none of them got them; did they?
A: I don’t believe so.
Regardless of how the sting operation turns out, physicians suspected of drug dealing are routinely prosecuted. After the targeting process, which is based on red flags, is completed, the presumption of guilt is apparently so firmly established in the minds of law-enforcement officials that evidence to the contrary is overlooked. The physician’s fate is all but sealed. It is difficult to imagine the rationale employed by law enforcement in prosecuting a case under these circumstances, but it is known from bitter experience how they go about it.
After the sting operation fails to produce evidence of illegal prescribing, instead of re-evaluating the legitimacy of their case, prosecutors intent on obtaining a conviction go to plan B. They have failed to prove that the targeted physician’s behavior was illegal, so it becomes necessary to prove that, while maintaining the appearance of the practice of medicine, the accused physician actually intended to deal drugs. To this end, a “records case” is constructed.
To generate evidence of criminal intent, “experts” in the fields of pain management and addiction medicine are hired to review the accused physician’s medical records. These “experts” then take the witness stand and deliver what amount to sermons regarding the dangerous, addictive, and even lethal qualities of opioid analgesics. Typically, they refer to these substances as narcotics. This language inflames the pre-existing biases of jurors, who are usually unfamiliar with the science pertaining to these beneficial substances. The “experts” then proceed to offer a litany of examples purporting to show that, in their opinion, the accused doctor deviated from acceptable medical practice. If what the accused physician had done was clearly not medicine, there would be no need for expert testimony. This “evidence,” based on an interpretation of the standard of care, is presented as if it had something to do with drug dealing. The resulting legal affairs are best characterized as morality plays.
The role of academic physicians in the pain crisis is particularly troubling. They have turned away, as a group, from their ethical obligations to control pain. Instead, they teach the aforementioned system of “aberrant” drug-related behaviors, ensconcing them into textbooks and professional journal articles. Academics also turn with regularity against their colleagues who have attempted in good faith to treat chronic pain. By doing so, they increase both their professional standing and their personal wealth.
To understand the pain crisis, it is useful to know a little bit about the history and general characteristics of witch-hunts. A look into the situation that developed in Salem, Massachusetts, during the late 1600s is instructive. It exposes two outstanding features that pertain to witch-hunts in general. The first is that anyone can be targeted and the triggers are social. The second is that the evidence employed to get convictions, when examined rationally, is tenuous. A category of evidence known as spectral evidence was employed in Salem. This consisted of the supposed victim’s accusing the suspected witch of appearing before her in a dream.
The circumstantial evidence of criminal intent provided by government witnesses is the modern-day equivalent of spectral evidence.
Long before the witch trial of an accused physician begins, he is burned at the stake in the media. He is portrayed as a greedy Dr. Feelgood who represents a menace to society. The following are among the remarks that may appear in the local newspaper concerning the accused physician and his practice: “We are shutting down suppliers of a highly addictive drug that has been improperly allowed to saturate the community.” “I think he’ll turn out just like Kevorkian. These are highly toxic drugs. We’re not even allowed to flush them down the toilet, for fear we’ll contaminate the drinking water.”
Prosecuting pain-treating physicians as drug dealers relies on the myth that there are bad doctors eager to prostitute their medical licenses. This myth is driven by media hysteria around opioids because stories about drug panics sell newspapers. As a group, physicians avoid risk whenever possible. It is unlikely that physicians who commit a dozen years of their lives to achieving an educational and professional status that guarantees them a generous living would choose to risk it all by dealing drugs. That is why pain is under-treated in the first place. The risks associated even with necessary prescribing are deemed unacceptable by the vast majority of physicians.
It is generally understood that people get the government they deserve. It also appears that because medical practices reflect social values, we also get the medicine we deserve. It is therefore incumbent on society to transform its core value of drug control to one that gives pain control priority. This will undoubtedly occur as people become aware of the implications of the medical and human-rights disaster that currently passes itself off as the management of chronic pain.
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According to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, medication errors cause at least one death every day and injure 1.3 million people annually in the United States.
Nicole Butler met up with a Macon man who has recently suffered from being given someone else’s medication and talks about how it has dramatically affected his health.
67-year-old Thomas Newson was admitted into Navicent Health’s Luce Heart Institute on May 6th.
He’s had six heart attacks in the past year, and he says last Friday when Newson was discharged was when his health really started free-falling.
“I was scared because I didn’t know what they were giving me,” Newson says, saying his heart started feeling weak.
He says they called and told him to stop.
Newson says by that time the damage had been done, and he’s lost part of his speech.
“They always knew what I was talking about, but now, you know, people ask me, ‘What you say? I can’t understand what you’re talking about,'” he says.
It even affected his eyesight.
“He can’t hardly see. It’s like his eyes, he’s going blind,” Julia Washington, Newson’s caregiver of 34 years, says.
Washington says Newson’s personality and even appetite changed as well.
“This is not him,” she says.
“He wants to make sure they won’t get him mixed up with nobody else. He said they’ve already gotten him mixed up,” Washington says.
Washington says Navicent’s mistake is inexcusable.
“And we hope the Medical Center won’t keep making these mistakes anymore,” she says.
Newson says he is still suffering from the medications side effects, but is praying to get a little bit better every day.
We asked Navicent Health for a response, by email they said they would not discuss individual’s case due to patient privacy.
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